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'V, 



THE RACE QUESTION 



:IN THE: 



UNITED STATES 



BY 

R. P. BRORUP 



(Copyrighted 1902 by the Author) 



To guard against misconception at the outset, let it 
be stated that this discussion is on a broader 
principle than the question which per- 
tains to the South exclusively. 



1 > t > J • 



■f ■ ■> . . 



North and South Publishing Co. 
Fitzgerald, Ga. 



THE LI8RAKY OF 

CCNGftESS, 
Two Gvnu hectivc: 

JAN. 311 1902 

,C«PVRK3MT Burnt 

CUAS3 Ct- XXa No, 

COPT a 



.Bb-j 



THK RACK QUESTION IN THE 
UNITED STATES. 



V 



v^ 




HERE is an interesting- problem involved in the 
'*■ use of the brains of the foremost among- civilized 

nations for the multiplication of people of a lower 
type. These people of a lower type are often far 
ahead of their benefactors in bodily streng-th and 
vig-or, in vitality and reproductive power; and 
will multiply as rapidly as the brains of a hig-her 
civilization makes it possible with its improve- 
ments and increased means of subsistance. 
Holland has by the brains of her civilization doubled the 
number of adherents to Mohammedanism in the island of Java 
in less than thirty years. Eng-land has achieved nearly as 
much for Eg-ypt in a like space of time. The increase of Mo- 
hammedans by the activity of the Christian nations in the 
last fifty years is probably not less than fifty millions. 

This doubling- of population of various kinds may be con- 
ceived of as achievements more splendid in the process than 
the final results. The ability to do it may be a matter of 
boasting-, but a far-sig-hted policy would rather shrink from 
the responsibility, both as a matter of self-preservation, and 
in view of the possible effect on the world's best interests. 

Would anyone be happier to know that the four hundred 
millions in China should double their number in a given 
number of years? Or would anyone g-reatly desire to see 
the three hundred millions in India increase to that ex- 
tent? 

Suppose Eng-land should do for the rest of the Moham- 
medan world what she has done for Eg-ypt — double the num- 
ber of Mohammedans and subjects of the Sultan— would it 
further the cause of civil and relig-ious liberty? Would this 
cause, or the cause of humanity in g-eneral, g-ain anything- by 
the doubling- of any of nine-tenths of the earth's population? 
Unless the quality can be improved the quantity may be con- 



4 The Race Question in the United States,. 

sidered sufficient. If mechanical or material improvements 
wroug-ht could work a radical chang-e in the systems that 
govern their thoughts and sentiments, or chang-e their ad- 
herence to a better system, there would be gain, but this has 
never yet been accomplished by the efforts of modern civili- 
zation. The net result has always been an enormous increase 
of Pag-ans and Mohammedans. Education, and scientific 
appliances, they have rather adopted as useful weapons for 
the defence of their own system. The appreciation that 
improvements and g-ood g-overnment has met with has always 
been of a selfish kind: it has never turned their sentiment 
in favor either of their masters or of their systems. 

Western nations may believe themselves safe in their 
civilization, their science and inventions, but the final depend- 
ence and final appeal in the strug-gle for predominance, will 
most likely be to bulk and numbers. Where a sparse and 
unsettled population of low type invites to settlement and ex- 
pansion of a hig-her type, there is gain; but Europeans have 
never been able to colonize and expand among Asiatics ; on the 
contrary, these have shown themselves able to colonize and 
expand among Europeans by crowding these aside. The 
growth and multiplication of our own kind, with itscivilization 
and principles, is our expansion; the expansion in numbers 
of those that differ from us, is theirs; truly and substan- 
tially, although we may have the honor of directing their 
government. 

What has been said of th^ activity of the higher civiliza- 
tion among the people of a lower type, is applicable to 
countries like the United States where different races are 
struggling for predominence. The native Americans have 
suffered in the struggle with foreigners for numerical 
supremacy; physically, their strength and endurance has 
proved unequal to the contest. Their superior mental quali- 
ties, instead of helping their own race, are at the service of 
their competitors for the possession of the country ; they 
will invent, plan and direct, and l)y their intellectual activity 
give the latter that chance for growth and expansion of 
which, with their superior physical endowments, they are 
able to take full advantage. Thus wo havi- the sociological 



The Race Qiiesliou in the United States. 5 

phenomenon of a people of a country, after being- overcome in 
a strng-g-le for existence on the g-round of brute endurance, 
helping- its competitors by its intellectual activity and accu- 
mulation of capital, to complete the conquest. 

It is notable in the history of the Catholic Church that she 
never so loved her enemies as to belabor herself for the doub- 
ling of their number. As the dominant influence in expansion 
or conquest by Catholic countries, she has consistingly acted 
upon the doctrine that mere ulterior conquest is of little use 
while obtaining- no hold on the inner life and sentiment of the 
people. The solid mass of Catholics from Kio Grande to 
Cape Horn, in the West India island and in the Philipines, 
bear witness to her zeal and success as an expansionist in 
the truest sense. The bond of union she created by her hold 
on the minds and sentiments of the people has remained un- 
shaken, even when intolerable abuse made them political 
enemies. Nor is this a small matter, for the world struggle 
is rather between principles, and the authority inherent in 
the g-reat fundamental creeds of the world, than a struggle 
of races apart from their systems and creeds. Amalgama- 
tion and union of races and nationalities is not impossible, 
except where they are kept apart by conflicting- systems and 
principles. 

For this reason, systems and principles that govern the 
various races must not be over-looked in a discussion of the 
race question. It would, apart from this, have little meaning. 
The masses come because here is room; or because those al- 
read}' here are weak enough to be overcome in a struggle for 
existence. With them it is but the natural overflowing in 
the direction of least resistance. With the Church there are 
plans and purposes, deep-rooted and far-reaching-, and the 
United States is a g-reat price. 

The polic}' adopted in the pursuit of a certain aim is apt 
to be modified by the ruling- system or principle. Represen- 
tatives of the reformed faith see in advancement of education, 
refinement, culture, and whatever belong to what is termed 
the higher civilization, the surest guarantee of strength and 
final supremacy. The elder faith rests its hope on bulk and 
numbers, cemented by sympathy of faith and feeling, being 



6 The Race Question in the United States. 

assured that in any contest between fundamentally opposed 
systems, the final appeal will always be to brute force. 

The former policy has engendered a weakness manifested 
in a desire to be saved by special privileg-es and advantages, 
political, social or otherwise ; proposed or attempted dis- 
franchisements are heard of in States, North and South. 
Victory in the race conflict is not gained by vilifying and 
oppressing other races, you must increase your own strength 
and virility. The Constitution of our country requires a 
republican form of government in all the States, this imposes 
upon the States the duty of educaiing all the people so that 
they may have a republican or popular form of government. 
Ignorance and disfranchisements create a privileged class, 
special privileges and power will furnish in this class a mo- 
tive for the perpetuation of ignorance and disfranchisements 
that the power may be retained. This is the reason why 
education and enlightment is of slow growth where despotism 
in an}^ form rules. 

Buteducation aloneisnota sufficientguaranteeforstrength 
and stability in our national structure ; it affords no bond of 
union and sympathy, such as is furnished by oneness of race 
or faith. Already in our industrial centers we have a condi- 
tion represented by a wealthy, luxurious, ruling upper class, 
with the masses, alien and antagonistic in race and religion, 
in practical opposition. The experiment of building a State 
with a minority, embodying the wealth, intelligence and power 
inherent in it, as the foundation, with the masses in practical 
opposition, is not safe, even if we were willing to employ des- 
potic measures, such as is represented by restriction of 
suffrage, the force inherent in bulk and numbers will sooner 
or later assert itself, such measures could but at best put 
off the inevitable, and this at the expense of liberty and pro- 
gress. 

The temptation of cheap alien labor from abroad is obvious 
as one of the ways in which a home i)opulation may be dispos- 
sessed. AVhen it ceases to iill the rank ami iilc with its own 
sons, ceases to supply the fundamental of crude strength, 
bulk and numbers, it ceases to be master or possessor of the 
country. Our first temptation in this direction was cheap 



The Race Question in the United States. 7 

negro labor; Southern whites g-ained ease and wealth by the 
sweat of others, liut have to divide the country with the 
neg-roes — it is theirs in proportion to their numbers and 
streng-th. The South was saved from negro domination by 
the mountainous regions, the population of which was but 
little affected by slavery on the one hand or by the devital- 
izing influence of the "higher" civilization of the North on 
the other. Yet the negroes are not to be counted a national 
danger; they owe allegiance nowhere outside the United 
States — know of no other country. They are, upon the whole, 
in sympathy with what is fundamental in our civilization, and 
could furnish an almost inexhaustible supply of crude streng-th 
for its defense, if not finally alienated by indifference on the 
one hand and abuse on the other. The negro population, or- 
ganized by the anti-American force, and with such head and 
leadership as that force could supply, would be as formidable 
in another direction. This is fully appreciated by leading 
representatives of this force, and they are making strenuous 
efforts for its conversion; so, likewise, of the mountain popu- 
lation of the South, which is still expanding — dying families 
do not engage their attention — could they succeed here, then 
with their growing- power in the North they would soon be in 
position to dictate the terms on which they would tolerate 
competition. 

The question at issue has been made to turn too much 
upon the term loyalty; as, for instance, the loyalty of Cath- 
olics or the Catholic Church, the want of which has in various 
ways been imputed to her or her adherents. As a rule, the 
Church has dealt patiently with the imputation, instead of 
repelling- as absurd the idea of disloyalty, she has produced 
the proof and shown exultinglv that Catholics indeed are 
loyal. Affection for the country in which we live, and expect 
our children to live, is a natural instinct, and need not be 
called in question. As to loyalty, it may come to mean one 
thing with one class, and another thing with another, and be 
equally honest with both. Even with reg-ard to the Catholic 
Church, as embodied in its authorities, we need not question 
their loyalty to the country, they realize that they have in- 
terests here of immense magnitude, being able to fig-ure out 



8 The Race Question in the United States. 

that at the relative increase of Catholics and Protestants, the 
country will ultimately become Catholic; at any rate, they 
may be depended on to take an intellig-ent interest in the des- 
tinies of the nation. The question, properly speaking-, is not 
that of loyalty, it is a question what race, civilization and 
principles are to be dominant in the United States. 

As for loyalty to a civilization embodying- Protestant prin- 
ciples, the question of loyalty on the part of those who pro- 
fess adherence to other systems and other principles is 
absurd. But even here we may admire the facility with 
which they accommodate themselves to it, and the folicy 
that strives for peace where this is true policy. But this 
accommodation and this policy is not to be confounded with 
unity or true affinity. As far as a portion of our population 
is estranged from the principles of our Protestant civiliza- 
tion, we have to make a discount in the reckoning of our 
national strength and vitality. Systems, in their nature an- 
tagonistic, cannot create a national structure as solid and 
strong- as where the system is one and all adherents of the 
same system. The spirit of patriotism will strive for the 
supremacy of the best system, and patiently bear with what 
cannot be remedied, but never commit the mistake of sup- 
posing that mere superficialties can make up for fundamental 
differences. 

The Catholics do not fall into this error, but it is a mis- 
take quite generally made by Protestants. The typical Pro- 
testant has become the professed liberalist, theorist and 
sentimentalist. His theories are always aside from any prac- 
tical issue ; professing to be liberal, it is nevertheless ag-ainst 
his faith to defend the principles of liberal thoug-ht, lest he 
should be suspected of having settled convictions on any sub- 
ject. 

If our liberal friends are aroused at all, it is generally to 
efforts as futile as their indifference. Spasmodic zeal that 
vents itself in petty annoyances, useless demonstration and 
noise, is not helpful to the cause. Superficial peace must be 
preserved in spite of fundamental differences. Efforts that 
disturb the peace, but do nothing to gain ground for substan- 
tial advance are worse than useless. Often in the contest 



The Race Question in the United States. 9 

the Catholics are left with a solid advantagfe, while the con- 
cession toprotestant sentiment is quite superficial, as for in- 
stance, the floating- of a flag- over a school house, a doubtful 
way of honoring the flag for the old adag-e is that "familiarity 
breeds contempt." The Protestants should study the policy 
of the Catholic Church, and work along- broad lines for actual 
g-rowth and advance. Some of these will be indicated. 

1. Physical and moral soundness that keeps strong- and 
vig-orous the power of reproduction and natural expansion, is 
the fundamental. It is certain that no mere expedient could 
save a race of people that is physically deg-enerate, or morally 
unsound. The question of race supremacy will not be de- 
cided by the sword but by the corset, and a few other things. 
It is a sociological problem rather than a matter of broken 
heads and armaments of war.* 

2. Regulation and restriction of immigration in favor of 
nationalities kindred to our own race and capable of assimula- 
tion, would seem an obvious measure if the interests of our 
civilization are an object of any concern. Fully 80 per cent, 
of immigrants now incoming are of races and nationalities 
with whom the native American has no aflinity nor kinship. 
We shall not make them ours, they will make the country 
theirs. 

The sentiment and policy that rules us is an inheritance 
from the earliest times when the country was unsettled, and 
practically possessed by savages. It should be understood 
by this time that we have grown to be a nation, with rights 
and responsibilities as a nation. Foreign countries are not 
slow to remind us of our responsibilities ; if their immi- 
grants provoke harsh treatment on account of character and 
conduct, damages are claimed and war threatened. It is the 
right of America to decide what immigrants she will be re- 
sponsible for, and carefully exclude those for whom she wiU 
not accept the responsibility. 

The much-maligned movement of the "Know-Nothings" 
in the early fifties deserves attention as a significant and inter- 
esting fact in the history of our country. It would have been 



♦For a full discussion see part 2 "The social question in the United States" 



10 The Race Question in the United States. 

strangle if the race in possession should have relinquished its 
supremacy without one grand awakening- or struggle. If 
time, or their lack of success, has not justified all their 
methods, it has fully justified their apprehensions. If the 
brute couragfe that showed itself in excitement and turmoil 
had been pitched against an armed invasion, it would have 
prevailed, but it was of no avail in the physiological struggle 
actually before them. Nor did the awakening result in any 
intelligent plan to mitigate the struggle or in any way to 
regulate the outcome of it. Baffled and bewildered at the 
outset, pride remained ; it now denied a danger against which 
it had vainlv excited itself, and took such comfort as it could 
of the situation— the population was increasing — the country 
being settled, etc. Small matters these; but the population 
had actually increased at a greater rate before the period of 
heavy immigration than it has done since. If this earlier 
rate of increase had continued — and with plenty of room for 
expansion, there is no natural reason why it should not — with 
an immigration supporting rather than overwhelming or con- 
tradictory, we should at present have had a population of 
one hundred millions as homogeneous as the people of Eng- 
land; instead of that \vc have a heterogeneous population of 
three-fourths of that number, in which those of the race that 
held the country solidly sixty years ago appear as a remnant, 
fragmentary and scattered. That the arrestment of growth 
of the native race, and almost immediate abandonment of 
fields of competition, was wholly due to the heavy influx of 
foreigners is not maintained, but it is seldom that two races 
of radically different characteristics are so nearly balanced 
in strength and endurance that both will grow and expand 
while occupying practically the same ground. Almost always 
one or the other will cease the strug-gle for existence, and 
consent to— die out. The yearly incoming of a quarter 
million Slavs and Latins, with their natural increase, does 
not mean an addition to our pt)pulation that could not very 
well be ])r»)vi(led without them; it means that the struggle 
for existence is in their favor, in sd far as they find room for 
growth and expansion. 

Some years ago a member of a foreign government openlv 



The Race Question in the ihiited States. 11 

and officiously advocated the settling- in this country of 
foreig-uers /;/ block that would keep them intact and save 
them from disintegration, as the surest means by which to 
undermine and destroy our institutions. It made a g"reat 
stir in this country; we are easily affected by theories, but 
facts are studiously overlooked. The facts referred to are 
fully understood on the other side of the Atlantic; they are 
watching- and wondering. The sociological struggle between 
races in the United States is of more interest than any cam- 
paig-n of battles and bloody sieg-es. As Americans, we are 
little interested ; we are permitted to indulge our vanity and 
boast of quantity and numbers, althoug-h it may be the gain 
of others at our expense. 

Without entering- upon the question of colonies and ex- 
pansion by force or conquest, it may nevertheless be sug-- 
g-ested that our first concern should be to defend and pre- 
serve the territory within the United States against aliena- 
tion. Why should our native Americans be anxious for for- 
eig-n conquest, and think it worth the while to sacrifice the 
only boy in the family for the sake of it, while wholly unable 
to stem the tide of foreign agg-ression within their own coun- 
try. Conquest of impractical people abroad is poor com- 
pensation if Americans are loosing- g-round in the strug-g-le 
for existence within their own borders. The last named 
contest is b\^ far the more important and more decisive. In 
so far as portions of the United States territory is occupied 
by people, alien in race characteristics and sentiment, incapa- 
ble of nationalization and amalg-amation, it is so much United 
States territory conquered and lost, irretrievably and perma- 
nently : conquest in a far more substantial sense than the 
mere imposition of foreign government on an unwilling 
people. A nation conquered by force of arms may regain 
their liberties, but a people overcome in the struggle for exis- 
tence, ceases to be, and the country is forever lost to its race. 
If we are tempted to imitate other nations in their iniquitous 
attempts of suppressing smaller nationalities, while unable to 
defend our own at home, we are not only wicked but con- 
temptible. 

It is too late for a narrow Anglo-Saxonism. As of old, the 



12 The Race Question in the United States. 

race destined for possession has been found wanting-. It has 
not been proof ag-ainst decay on the one hand, or unbridled 
g-reed and brutality on the other. We should further prove 
our unworthinessif we reg-retted on the g-round of sentiment; 
a sentiment rooted in selfishness, capable of the worst per- 
versions of reason and morality, should not be our final aim. 
There is no finality but in moral principles. It is still the 
principles that had their beg-inning- in the reformation, and 
found expression at the birth of the Republic, that are the 
dominant issue in the world. Restriction of immig-ration 
along- the lines of a narrow Ang-lo-Saxouism, has nothing- to 
recommend it, even if practicable, but along- the lines of a 
civilization founded on these principles. Measures tomaintain 
and defend this civilization should not be shunned to escape 
the charg-e of discrimination. To maintain principles, we 
must discriminate, we can have no other object in restriction, 
for no one opposes immig-ration on g-eneral g-round. Enslaved 
minds, enthralled consciences, dominated by a foreign des- 
potic power, narrow prejudices, race characteristics, rooted 
in centuries of ig-norance and deg-radiug superstition, is a 
real dang-er. 

3. Some kind of org-anized union on the part of Protes- 
tants in the United States would naturally sug-g-est itself in 
view of the compact and strong- org-anization of the Catholics. 
The power of org-anization is more particularly noticeable in 
its influence on the two g-reat forces of our civilization; our 
political government and the press, the representatives of 
which may feel no particular interest in the contest. In this 
case it will be natural for them to yield where pressure is 
brought to bear upon them, so much the more as they are 
dependent on votes and popular favor. During a late con- 
test about an immigration measure, the Catholic Church was 
alone sufficient to defeat it, although it was undoubtedly fa- 
vored by all the nation excepting. This is due to her organ- 
ization. If one wishes to know the strength of an organiza- 
tion, and the pressure it is capable of bringing to bear, he has 
only to consult the politician. The weakness of Protestant 
organizations is evident from the fact that our politicians do 
not fear them. They have a cheap way of showing their cour- 



The Race Question in the United States. 13 

ag-e by openly flaunting- them, and holding them up to ridicule, 
in congress and out. This would not be if it really took 
courage to do it. It is entirely different with the Catholic 
Church, at the mere mention of this organization all voices 
are hushed, all faces grow pale ; they know they have here to 
do with an organization that has purpose, strength and votes 
behind it, and that it is not to be fooled or cajoled in any way. 
4. A race of people that is active and strong is only 
limited in its increase by a limitation of the means of subsist- 
ance. Means of substance is represented by accumulations 
of past earnings, and present opportunities to earn a living. 
The Catholic Church takes this fully into account. It ex- 
ercises authority that prevents shirking of duties on the part 
of married people; but this is not enough; the young people 
must have chances to marry, and means to make a living. 
Here the help of the church is valuable. The priest is on 
the alert to find chances and opportunities for them; schemes 
of colonization and migration; local aid in every community 
to find employment, and at the best possible wages, that will 
enable young people to marry early and raise large families, 
is a most important function of the priest. 

It is doubtful whether the protestant churches have ever 
bestowed a thought, or made an effort along this line. It is 
their hobby to be liberal, and they give away advantages 
recklessly, but they will not win unless they use those they 
possess for the furtherance of their own cause. 

Grander schemes to secure the accumulations of pro- 
testants with which they push their propaganda are continu- 
ally in process of execution. Priests, particularly fitted for 
the task, are sent out to work among the very rich for their 
conversion. It 5s here worth the while to make particular 
effort in each individual case, and they have had notable suc- 
cesses. Of late, American heiresses have excited great in- 
terest, and with reason, for the accumulations of this country 
are many, the opportunities are plenty, and there is no 
easier way of gaining immense results. The Pope, as well as 
other i^otentates in Europe, have it in their power to bestow 
titles of nobility; princes and counts may be created by the 
wholesale; it is but a matter of a word or ceremony. They 



14 The Race Question in the United States. 

are sent over to hunt among- American heiresses, with what 
results need not be told. It must be acknowledg-ed, how- 
ever, that the stratag-em is leg-itimate. Americans have no 
cause to complain, if the}' allow themselves to be fooled and 
plundered. Rome has never made peace, except on the field 
of ph3'sical contest. Ever\' means and ag-enc}^ at her dis- 
posal is used for the furtherance of her interests. It is with 
her no desultory warfare with haphazard methods and ineffi- 
cient leaders, it is a g-rand and constant move all along- the 
line, and by the ablest and most experienced leaders. 

5. Proselyting-, conversion from one party to another is 
a means or ag^ency,the importance of which has been fully re- 
cog-nized by both parties. Among- Protestants it has been 
relied upon too exclusive!}'. They compass land and sea to 
make one i)roselyte, and pay no attention to their loss of 
millions throug-h failure in the strug-g-le for existence. How- 
ever, it is a factor in the contest. 

Catholicism hasstreng-th peculiar to itself. Attempts l)y 
Protestants to succeed by imitation will meet with the failure 
of all imitators. As a system of ceremonialism or ritualism 
of accomodation to liuman nature in the popular sense of the 
term, Catholicism is the hig-hest conceivable product, she is 
complete and perfect in this respect, and will always have the 
advantag-e of those that weakly and meanly try to imitate her. 

Ritualism has its purpose and strengfth in the enlistment 
of the emotions throug-h appeal to the five senses. The emo- 
tions, and their ])owers, when sufficiently aroused may bo 
directed for a purpose; the purpose to be served depends on 
the g-uiding- hand behind it all. If there is any evidence of 
more than human ag-ency in the ritual of Moses, it may be 
found in the measures taken to g-uard ag-ainst abuse of the 
emotions: quite often it is revolting- to the feelings rather 
than "beautiful:" severe, rather than alluring. Distinctions 
between "clean and unclean " is the keynote to it all. Ritual- 
ism, as a priestly device, is seductive to the understanding 
and conscience, its aim is to mystif\ and subordinate these 
that perfect control may be g-ainod ovol- tlu' thoughts and 
actions of the devotee. Asido t"i-(iiii physical force, it is 
always the main doi)endence of i)riestly despotism, and the 
g-ravitation is inevitably towards it where this is the tendency. 



The Race Question in the United States. 15 

There is g^round outside of Catholicism. The Protestant- 
ism of Luther, Knox, Calvin, and Wesley was a force, definite 
and certain, which no class of enemies would be likely in any 
way to discredit. There have been g-enuine reformations in 
the world, which prove that appeals on the g-round of reason 
and hig-her spirituality is not a hopeless undertaking-. How 
far Protestantism in our days is capable of making- appeals 
on this ground that are likely to meet with response is a ques- 
tion for itself; but on purcl}' relig-ious g-round, she must suc- 
ceed here if at all. 

Protestantism has the advantag-e of a better history. 
There is not even a Catholic country on the face of the earth 
but what has had to put down the Catholic Church by force 
or threat of force, in order to g-ain civil and relig-ious liberty. 
The history of Protestantism is the history of liberty and 
deliverance from tyranny and oppression. This should ap- 
peal to the instinct of liberty in the masses in behalf of Pro- 
testantism. And it is probably true that, except for the 
natural tyranny inherent in her, the Catholic Church could 
have remained supreme. Her religion takes with the aver- 
age of humanity. The few that really sought truth and 
righteousness might have gone to the stake to the end of 
time, as they did for a thousand years, had her tyranny been 
anything less than unbearable. Outward acts compel atten- 
tion, principles that underlie them are little studied or under- 
stood. 

It is probably true that, for the present and for some time 
to come, the ground for contest will be civil rather than re- 
ligious — the ground of liberty and security. The churches 
are in the grip of rationalism; spiritual phenomenon has 
ceased. On the sea of speculation, where they have launched, 
the inevitable tendency is toward materialism, or an inert 
formalism. Theorizing and fadism find their natural reaction 
in absolutism. The God-consciousness of the Prophet, that 
begets authority and its characteristics, ceases and this is 
sought elsewhere; hence we hav'e approaches toward Cath- 
licism now as an imitation, now as a professed hope of "union 
of all the churches." The weakness that is without the real- 
ization of independent resources falls naturally before the 



16 The Race Question in the United States. 

bold assertion of a successful pretension, and in its helpless- 
ness overlooks even the memory of past experience. We 
had once church union, one and indivisible — we had union 
till life, thoug-ht, lig"ht and liberty were either lost or cor- 
rupted; it took centuries of strife and millions of martyr- 
doms to break the union and restore to mankind some of its 
lost birthrights. 

The Church in those ages was but a realization of the fear 
now expressed in the word "monopoly," and has in this its 
explanation. On the one hand was poor lost humanity, with 
the crying- necessities of its soul to be supplied; on the other 
hand was the one org-anization that owned and controlled the 
whole supply, visible and invisible, that alone had the right 
and privilege of its bestowal, to whom alone belonged the 
revenue, wealth, honor and pov.'er derived from it. The 
popular fear of a monopoly was realized in those days to a 
degree that has forever marked that period of time as "the 
dark ages." 

The ideal of Christ, to which the call for union has refer- 
ence, is founded on a distinction between the Church and 
"the world," which is not regarded nor understood even as a 
theory but by a few sects. The prevailing idea now, as 
always, is the carnal one, something of show and circum- 
stances, with a central authority to depend on for means of 
salvation. Dependence on priestl}' devices and mechanical 
ways of salvation is on the increase, and has been a marked 
characteristic of our age. A Church founded on this concep- 
tion involves worldly power and worldly interests; a union of 
these interests would be the old monopoly. The religious 
sentiment distracted between fear and selfish desires will 
continue to furnish occasion for worldly ambition; with its 
virulent passions, there is safety alone in parties fairly bal- 
anced together with the restraining power of civil govern- 
ment, the means by which safety has been actually secured. 
This is also the only guarantee that truth and spirit will not 
be wholly obliterated. Here and lliore two or three may be 
gathered together in the name of Christ, to whom the spirit 
of Christ is revealed, union of such would be safe; but life is 
not upon the whole on sufficiently high level to be stereot3'ped 



The Social Question in the United States. 17 

into an org-auization along- this line, that would not at once 
evolve a tyranny dark, damning- and awful, in harmony with 
all experience. It does not take a monopoly claiming- prop- 
erty rig-ht in the soul and conscience of the whole human 
race to stir in human nature all that is malevolent and hateful 
in its defence. 



THE SOCIAL QUESTION IN THE UNITED STATES. 

In the first chapter of Exodus we have an account of the 
social conditions of the most civilized nation 4,000 years ag-o; 
read in the lig-ht of modern experience, it is instructive as 
well as sug-gestive. 

We have before us in the chapter mentioned, a cultured 
and enlig-htened people, but with distinct traces of weak- 
nesses, manifesting- itself in a low birth rate, and a frailty 
among- their women that made the natural precessesof child- 
bearing- a severe ordeal, and abnormally risky. We have this 
people contrasted with an immig-rant race, showing- the oppo- 
site traits. Their women, we are distinctly told, "are not 
like the Eg-yptians," they are "lively "; are able even to dis- 
pense with the help of the midwife, without inconvenience. 
Moreover, they are multiplying- fast, so fast, indeed, that the 
Eg-yptians became alarmed lest they should be outnumbered, 
and in the end crowded to the wall by the g-reater expansive 
force of the foreig-n race. Means were tried to prevent this, 
they are in a measure enslaved, and loaded with heavy bur- 
dens, but work does not kill them, they are increasing- even 
faster. Then the male babies are slaug-htered outrig-ht, a 
heroic measure certainly. We wonder that the Eg-yptians 
did not try assimilation; it does not appear to have been 
thoug-ht of by either race, perhaps diverg-ence in type, in 
race characteristics and relig-ion, did not make assimilation 
and amalgamation possible. A clerg^yman, a few years ag-o, 
in a widely circulated pamphlet, insisted that our foreig-n 
population of alien races, must be "civilized" or they would 



18 The Social Question in the United States. 

g-o on raising- larg^e families, which would ultimately swamp 
the Americans. Here, ag-ain, a means is hinted at which did 
not occur to the ancient Eg-\^ptians; the restraining- or de- 
vitalizing power of civilization applied to those that were in- 
creasing too rapidly. As for our own immigrants, there is 
not the least doubt of its operating among them; that is, 
those who do not by divergence in type and race character- 
istics, keep aloof and maintain their separate quarters in our 
cities and settlements in the rural districts. Those kindred 
to our own race, capable of assimilation and amalg-amation, 
as far as they come in contact with the native race, are 
speedily affected. ^J^he disposition on the part of this class 
of newcomers to imitate those already here, is natural; the 
tendency rather to imitate the worse traits is proverbial. 
There is for this reason a double importance in the example 
of the older population; they may be continually dragging 
down with them those that they have power to assimilate and 
that otherwise would strengthen them. In districts where 
Seandinavians and (jermaus are interspersed among Ameri- 
cans, the orginal charncterestics speedil}- disappear; the 
fresh-faced, well developed girls that one sees in the villages 
of Scandinavia and Germany are looked for in vain, and we 
have a too common type, slim-waisted and delicate, with 
mottled, drawn faces, that speak of tension and strain due 
to various abuses, and largely to the compression of the body 
by corset, belt and other devices for that purpose. Where 
they live apart in large settlements they are "civilized " less 
rapidly. Where they are wholly kept aloof, centuries may 
not effect this change. The French C'anadians, with their 
separate communities, are maintaining- a birthrate of thirty- 
eight per thousand of population; while in Ontario, which 
has been thoroughly Americanized, we have the low rate of 
twenty. The extremes in the I'nited States are farther 
apart than this; the Inrthrates ol the native race, excepting 
the mountainous regions of the South, vary but little, fifteen 
in a thousand of population is \\ hat is indicated bv published 
statistics and private information. In countries like the 
United States and C'anada. where a contest for supremacy 
between different races and nationalities exists, the facts con- 



The Social Question in the United States. 19 

nected with the birthrate and g-eneral vitality of the various 
races, have a sig-iiificance which it is necessary only to indi- 
cate. 

As we study the evolution of society from the earliest 
dawn of history, what strikes us most forcibly, is the lack of 
it, so to speak. A repetition and similiarity of cause and 
effect, producing- the same g-eneral results, is the most dis- 
ting-uishing- feature. It may fairly be said to be as much a 
problem now as it was four thousand years ago, how to pro- 
duce a civilization that will develop manhood and womanhood, 
evenly well-balanced, and make the accumulations of wealth, 
knowledge and experience subject to this end. The failure 
has been conspicuous, and it is larg-ely the failure of human 
nature to make anything but a g-rossly, selfish use of advan- 
tag-es. 

In part, it is a natural tendency to extremes in some par- 
ticular direction, of which the danger is less when life 
is on a simpler and safer level, as witness our present extra va- 
g-ant estimate of book-learning-, from which especially women 
suffer. We have come to g-lory in achievements outside of 
lines natural to their life and work, rather than fitness for 
this, as indispensable to the welfare, or even existence of so- 
ciety. We boast of ability to stand the strain and exult in 
examples of unusual attainments, and youth will endure 
wonderfully, and surprising- results be obtained when every- 
thing- is bent in one dii-ection ; but it is no longer necessary 
to prove that this straining- after an aim, that for the most 
part has no practical purpose, but the mere boast of having 
attained, is always at the expense of nerve-force and bodily 
vitality that unfits them for the more serious and practical 
purposes of life. 

The mental strain and confined sedentary life in the 
schoolroom, is in too many instances immediately followed 
by the equally strained, confined and sedantary life at the 
desk in the various capacities in which women are now em- 
ployed ; and this, g-enerally, at an age of immaturity, when 
growth, strength and development of body must fail, without 
exercise of a varied and healthy character. Undeveloped 
and unaccustomed, they are unequal to the demand upon 



20 The Social Question in the United States. 

their physical streng-th to which they must inevitably be sub- 
jected, if called upon to perform the functions and work na- 
tural to a woman's life ; and we have a cause for the g^eneral 
complaint of "overwork" on the part of American women, 
althoug-h they do less work than those of any other nation ; 
it is not wholly a fault of disposition, when a body is without 
streng-th or knowledg-e of work, it is overworked, if required 
to work at all. Work, even in a factor3% where modern ma- 
chinery has reduced work to a monotonous repetition of the 
same motion, is not to be compared with housework, with its 
varied occupations, in every attitude of the body, bring-ing- 
into play every muscle and exercising- every part. House- 
work, interspersed with work in theg-arden, or lig-ht out-of- 
door chores, as aforetime was customary, broug-ht women to 
a perfection of physical development, now rarely seen. 

Lack of nerve force and bodily vigor, due to a variety of 
causes, produces a condition of physical inability in which 
the instinct of selfpreservation becomes very pronounced, 
and will appear as an exag-g-erated form of selfishness and 
cowardice. The little life and streng-th possessed is all 
needed for mere individual existence ; there is not that over- 
flow of health, power and spirit necessary for the production 
and maintenance of new lives dependent upon them. Withall, 
and even where the physical powers have not been impaired, 
self-consciousness, cultivated toau extreme, shrinks from the 
hard facts of life, healthy instincts and natural affections are 
overborne by cold deliberations of selfishness. 

It may be counted a problem whether " life is worth liv- 
ing-;" it may be a question about the world and the human 
race, but there can be no question about streng-th and virtue. 
We may honor those that stand by a principle, even if it be 
false, but vice, weakness, disease and puerility are never so 
reg-arded. Our latest development of civilization does not in- 
vite judg-ment on the g-round of principles; its aim is too 
selfish to include even the amount of care and responsibility 
necessary to the hig-hcst enjoyment. The ephemeral pleas- 
ures, by which nature beg-uiles the irrational creation into 
the propag-ation of the species are lusted after with effeminate 
propensity, and it has become an art or science how to in- 



The Social Questioji in the United States. 21 

dulg^e and evade the end desig-ned. The secrets of nature 
are soug-ht out, and the knowledg-e g-ained is used to cheat 
her of some of her rewards without fulfilling- her nobler pur- 
poses. At what cost, let the nations and civilizations that 
have perished in their corruption tell. 

One should fairly have hoped that intellectual develop- 
ment and culture, by which capacity for hig-her enjoyment is 
g-ained, would have resulted in a lessening- of dependents on 
the mere passional as a means of enjoyment ; but such does 
not appear upon the whole to be the case. In the earlier ag-es 
of the world, and in primitive societ}^ we find the fact of life 
emphasized, rather that the ev^anescent pleasures connected 
with it. The g-lory and joy of having- children was para- 
mount, and predominated over the mere sensual pleasures 
connected with their propag-ation. Wc find this illustrated 
repeatedly in the lives of the patriarchs, in men and women 
alike ; examples and utterances are so numerous that quota- 
tions are unnecessary. It has been reserved for these latter 
days of evolution and progress to reverse the process ; the 
means is desired with lustful efifeminency, and the end feared 
and evaded by all the resources of scientific and popular 
knowledg-e. 

The same tendency finds a further illustration in the 
means used to g-ain the end of marriag-e. Our boasted "love 
matches " are effected by practices that promise as little of 
happiness and stability as is generally realized. Is it that 
our social life, customs and education tend so little to the 
development of the practical, the useful and really beautiful 
in life and character that dependence on the passional has 
become so dangerous and degrading. One might wish that 
the mere business view of marriage was made more promi- 
nent for the sake of relieving this abnormal dependence. The 
nobler view of marriage, with its grave responsibilities is 
lost sight of, so are health, beauty, modesty and usefulness, 
that should answer to the higher purposes. As is inevitable, 
an inferior quality exaggerated does not produce results as 
desired, but failure only increases the tendency, flirtation 
becomes more desperate, witchery, for sensual effect, more 
heartless, the dress is cut lower, the corset or belt squeezed 



22 The Social Question in the United States. 

tigfhter. Girls, the offspring- of corset-killed mothers already 
diminutive, frail, and delicate, are further reduced, and their 
little life squeezed out of them by this practice. 

It is not to be supposed that this expression of a woman's 
passions — extravag-ant, distorted aad suicidal, is wholly a 
matter of depravity ; it is larg-ely due to the fact that our pe- 
culiar customs and sentiments repress a frank and honest 
expression. The girls are taug-ht they must tease and fool 
and flirt; they must deny with their tong-ue, and the conse- 
quence is that they express the more extravagantlv bv their 
manner. 

A woman would not dare to express in words a twentieth 
part of what is expressed by such a contrivance as the corset. 
If the full sig-nificance of the ing-enuity and zeal exerted was 
perceived, could men and women look each other in the face ; 
perhaps we may not doubt that, but if the eff router}' is suffici- 
ent, why may not an understanding be arrived at without 
going these enormous lengths? Why these body and soul- 
destroying practices to gain a result so simple and well- 
defined? What measure of success is in it has to be attained 
on the presumption that men are equally devoid of sense and 
g-ood taste ; the presumption is mostly a blunder, the destruc- 
tion of health and g-ood looks is too g-reat to work for success, 
even from the lowest point of view. The Spartan law-g-iver 
emplo3'ed a means far more effective, and it did not destroy 
the health and beauty of their women, and likely affected 
their modesty no worse; there was a frank avowal of the 
purpose, and it was part of a consistent and well-ordered sys- 
tem. Our modern civilization should be ashamed of the 
clumsiness of its methods, if not of the damage entailed. 
As a contrivance for a purpose the corset would discredit the 
lowest intellectual t3'pe of mankind ; it does its work badlv, 
and does it at an enormous risk and sacrifice. That the idea 
of enhanced beauty has nothing- to do with it is easilv proved, 
for even in our days a sculptor who should take the wasp- 
waisted shape as his model for physical beauty, would be 
laug^hcd to scorn, and that by the very ones who practice 
tig^ht lacing. 

Some two are three centuries agfo the dress of the g-entle- 



The Social Question in the United States. 23 

men rivaled that of the ladies in extravag^ance, in finery and 
foolish display ; there has been g-reat improvement in the 
way of simplicity and comfort. If the men should squeeze 
themselves into the wasp-waisted shape, the effect would be 
less deadly ; it would incapacitate them for serious or sus- 
tained exertion as it does the women, but in these latter the 
org-ans that are damaged are more complex ; they include 
those that belong- to the pre-natal life of the child, as well as 
the vital org-ans of the individual. It is not to be expected or 
even desired that a woman's dress should attain to the same 
deg-ree of simplicity as that of the men ; but it may well be 
demanded that health, beauty, modesty, usefulness and 
posterity shall not be sacrificed for a mere display of wanton- 
ness. It is noticable that the scriptures take cog-nizance of 
this weakness in women — a readiness to sacrifice everything- 
to what is uppermost in her mind, and make her subject to 
what ouofht to be the firmer will and wiser mind of the men. 
If patriotic and manly men had obeyed the scriptual injunc- 
tion of " ruling- well their own households " could these thiug-s 
be ; but it has become true of us as was said in derision of 
the Isrealites at one period of their history, "children are 
their oppressors and women rule over them;" and as always, 
when we try to improve on the sentiments and precepts of 
the Bible the result has been in an eminent degree disastrous. 
It is the prerogative and duty of men to save woman from 
their weakness — if they fail in this, the whole race bears the 
penalty. 

Sentiment and pride will not avert punishment if the laws 
are broken. Far reaching effects, with which we have mostly 
to deal, are general deterioration, decadence, extinction. 
Local or immediate effects are diseases, distressing and 
loathsome, ordinarily common to a class of persons not to be 
named. The reference is not to the grosser forms of con- 
tagious, venereal diseases, but to ailments, generally desig- 
ted "feminine weaknesses" "female complaints" etc., which 
furnish the medical peofession of this country, regular and 
irregular, with more than half of its practice. These ail- 
ments do not often kill, although cancer, a natural termina- 
tion, is becoming alarmingly prevalent. But more generally 



24 The Social Question in the U)iited States. 

the subject, always a ph3'sical wreck, drag-s out a long- exist- 
ence, a burden to herself and those on whom she is depend- 
ent. The org-ans peculiar to the female sex are so much the 
center of her physical being-, that the effect of any abuse or 
irreg^ularity is apt to center here, from whence it reacts on 
the whole body. Some of the abuses bear directly upon 
these org-ans; compression of the waist causes abnormal 
g-rowths and deformities, obstructs circulation, causes con- 
g-estion and laceration of vessels that hold blood, lymph and 
serum, which overflow, inflame, and finally escape as un- 
natural issues or discharg-es. Abuses of other kinds will pro- 
duce similar effects and ag-g-ravate the trouble. Social dissi- 
pation, late hours, irreg-ular habits, overstudy, mental and 
emotional strain etc., scatter nerve force and vitality, 
and make resistanee to disease and recupsration hopeless. 
It may be considered part of the scheme of divine retribu- 
tion, as it is the idea of sexuality, in a deg-raded form, that 
for the most part hovers around these perversions, so it is. 
the sexual org-ans that principall}' are struck by these dis- 
eases, which make a woman— and a man for that matter in a 
like case — at once incapable and disg-usting to the other sex. 
And so they fail in the very respect for which they are inclined 
to sacrifice everything-. 

The somewhat exclusive attention paid to one sex in this 
discussion of a subject that pertains to both, is not due toauy 
preconceived arrang-ement, but to the plain circumstance that 
the young- men are not nearly as much a factor in the problem. 
In the North, where the condition is mDre g-eneral, the young 
men are mostly of foreig-n importation or extraction. Few 
bovs are found in native American families, and of these 
a larg^e percentag-e are "submerg-ed " in the process of their 
career. But the typical American g-irl is not only found in 
American families, she reproduces her type in g-irls among: 
immio-rants kindred to her own race. The example of the 
native American boy, whatever it maybe, has no g-reat effect 
upon young- men of foreign extraction, but women are imita- 
tive, and the example of the native American g-irl dominates 
her sex, except among races and nationalities that keep aloof. 



The Social Question in the United States. 25 

The purposes of a nation are mostly of a practical nature, 
what may be viewed otherwise has its root in the practical, 
and cannot long- exist without it. There must be physical 
development and streug-th, and moral earnestness to answer 
the purposes. Mental and emotional culture, intensive and 
exclusive, may produce interesting-specimens, curiosities and 
oddities, which may satisfy the superficial sentiment larg-ely 
responsible for the product; but a nation cannot live and sub- 
sist on mere whimsicalities and oddities. In the economy of 
nature, woman is a necessit3s the vitality and streng-th of a 
race depends on her even more than the man, for she is meant 
to furnish the physical basis for g-rowth and development to 
a g-reater extent. In the animal world, the human species 
included, the female is abundantly supplied with streng-th and 
energ-y for all the functions pertaining- to her sex; nig-gardli- 
ness and precariousuess, even to a deg-ree of total inability, 
is the product of civilization. Where society is natural and 
vig-orous, woman takes the place that naturally belong-s to 
her, she fits it and fills it, excites no distinctive interest or 
concern, and there is no "woman's question." As the deeper 
sentiments, decay, rant and extravag-ance increase, as leg-iti- 
mate uses become impracticable, wag-g-eries of all sorts 
flourish; the tribute of weak manhood becomes the nourish- 
ment of unworthy womanhood. We may be content to look 
at woman from a mere sentimental point of view, and if facts 
are shown or objections made, quote poetry and talk senti- 
ment, but the incense of adoration with which we involve her 
will not save her from the discriminating- process of the laws 
of nature. The slim-waisted, delicate, type of woman is the 
death of any race that depends upon her in the strug-g-le for 
existence. Much attention has been paid to this subject as a 
theory; it is surprising- that no attention is being- paid to its 
actual operation among- us as a fact. As a race, what does it • 
profit it us that we have wealth, learning-, g-enius, ambition, 
aspirations, when notwithstanding- all this we are in a dying 
condition for want of sufi&cient physical basis, or moral stam- 
ana to maintain it. 

Gallantry would save its divinity from the imputation of 
flaws or faults, but it is not a question of flaws or faults, 



26 The Social Question in the United States. 

more is at stake than a flimsy sentiment. Our foreig-ners 
possess the true sentiment of patriotism ; it is not with them 
a mere matter of self-g^ratification or self-g-lorification, they 
raise larg^e families and take an iutellig-eut interest in the fu- 
ture of the country ; it is a serious question with them— what 
is to be the future of a population of which their offspring- 
is to form an important part. Our native Americans care 
for their country only as it ministers to their pride; they 
boast of its g-reatness and g^lory, but what is the United States 
to them if it be g-iven over into the hands of alien races, with 
whom they have no affinity or kinship. It is often asserted 
as though a matter to be taken for g-ranted that the Northern 
races of people will out live and out do those of a Southern 
clime ; but nature is no respecter of preconceived notions, 
the migration of the nations at present is from the South 
towards the North, three-fourths of the immig-rants arriv- 
ing- in this country are from Southern and Central Europe. 
Their spread is due to a hig-her birthrate and g-reater vitality; 
the final settlement of population in this country will, if the 
present tendency continues, find them in possession. They 
will keep apart and be saved from the damag-ing- example of 
the native race, while those kindred to that race will follow 
it. 

The reform forces have gathered against the liquor traffic, 
and the agitation against th2 drink-hibit has b2conia popular. 
But there are evils that strike more directly and effectually 
at the root of the tree of life. The native population of Maine, 
notwithstanding prohibition, is in a state of decrepitude, 
the birth rate lower than that of any community of which we 
have record; French Canadians fast taking possession of the 
State. The early Americans, although by no means teetotal- 
ers, were wonderfully strong and virile, in spite of massacres 
and lurking savages everywhere, they multiplied amazingly; 
filled the Eastern States from Maine to Florida; spread their 
homes through the dark forests of the South to the Missis- 
sippi and beyond ; crossed the northern mountains and filled 
the Ohio valley. But a change came, like a forest suddenly 
stricken by a blight, the branches began to drop, the leaves 
to wither, growth was arrested. 



The Social Question in the United States. 27 

The facts in the foreg-oing- teathcs that a people may 
stand a great deal in the way of disorders and irreg-ularities 
as lousr as the women do not become seriously involved; for 
the dependence on them as mothers, there is no compensa- 
tion or substitute. Whims and weaknesses of women, seem- 
ing- trifles, may destroy a race as war, famine and pestilence 
tog-ether could not do. In many communities throug-hout the 
country there are practically nothing but elderly people and 
old maids left of the native population, the mountainous re- 
gions of the South alone being- exempt, and how long- will it 
be before this reserve of early streng-th and vig-or too will fall 

before the advance of civilization? There have been 

cases like ours in the history of the world, but for rapidity of 
process nothing- that quite equals it. In France, where a 
like condition has obtained, thoug-h less agg-ravated, the peo- 
ple have risen with a noble patriotism to combat the evil, and 
have accomplished much in that direction. Our national 
characteristic prevents any such consummation of zeal ; a con- 
dition, that in any other country would arouse to earnest 
effords, both on the part of Church and State, is here viewed 
helplessly; if attention is called to it, the only answer is a cry 
of pain, and earnest attempts to cover up defects. Of former 
strength and glory we have left our pride, supersensitive as 
any disease, the desperate question with us is not about race 
or country, but to save — our feelings. We have nourished 
our vanity till there is no heart to look facts in the face. 
Accustomed to the assertion of proud superiority of taking 
things for granted in our own favor, the task of rising to the 
occasion of honest investig-ation, frank confession and earn- 
est reformation, is an arduous one ; and even now, after the 
long and fatal delay, it would scarcely be more than a "dying 
repentance," but it would go far to save that portion of the 
newer population, kindred to our own race, that is following 
in our footsteps, and perhaps the final subversion of our civ- 
ilization. 

For more than a generation, while this condition has ob- 
tained, it has been left for individuals now and then to lift up 
a voice of indignation, protest and warning. Of organized 
efforts there has been none, nor upon the whole has there 



28 The Social Qiiesiio)i in the United Stales. 

been any improvement. There have been secret knowledg-e 
and eag-er catching- at reassuring- flatteries, squirming-s and 
titf 111 outbursts, but there has never been the abihtv to as- 
sume a frank and practical attitude with reg-ard to the condi- 
tion. It will take combined and determined efforts bv all the 
leading- forces of our civilization to save it. Among these 
the church should be foremost when it is a question to deal 
with a moral evil; but the church people have been leaders in 
demoralization, and the churches are implicated bv their 
example and silence. The principal Protestant denomina- 
tions come tog-ether at their yearly conferences, and have to 
face the fact that membership and Sunday School children 
not only fail to keep pace with the growing- population but are 
actuall}' dwindling- in numbers where they have to depend 
on the native race exclusively, the fig-ures of the g-eneral whole 
being- kept up alone by work among- foreig-ners. They cast 
about for causes seeming-ly, and are careful not to mention 
the cause. There is neither courage nor honesty to state the 
plain truth that there are not enough children raised among 
them to keep up the Sunday Schools; that the membership in 
the churches is growing old, and no new generation, worthy 
the name, has been provided to take its place. The meeting 
proceed with a pathetic repetition of old platitudes about 
"renewed zeal," '" work for the Lord," and "building up the 
church;" of vices that are destroying the foundation forgrowth 
and development, nothing is said. They wind up by passing 
their sterotypcd resolution about Sabbath observance, of their 
own lack of observance of the most vital laws of God and na- 
ture, we hear nothing. These representatives of a dyioag 
remnant in our g-reat cities feel authorized to instruct the 
great growing mass of foreigners that, with vigor of mind 
and body, are crowding them aside, and taking- their places. 
Let them first realize the situation, and have the courage to 
face it, and after that they may be able to take measures to 
arrest decay, and "to strengthen the tilings which remain." 
On the surface, we have church rcspectab;lity, ambitious 
plans, zeal for work, and everything apparently in working 
order; at the bottom is this dark flood of iniquity, under- 
mining the very foundation of our race and civilization, so we 

PB 1.0.4 



The Social Question in the United States. 29 

may actually see it sink and disappear. What wonder we 
now hear that the churches have "ceased to believe in the 
Bible." Faith in the Bible is not a comfortable matter, con- 
sidering" the facts in the case. Nor is there any flattering- 
comparison between the grand heroes of the Bible and clergy- 
men who look at the disintegration of the church and their 
race, and dare do nothing-, for there would be a flutter of 
hysteria and excitement is the nests of evil were stirred. Yet 
we are informed that our liberal Christians have discarded 
faith and theolog-y in order to attend to practical questions; 
but the condition among- our heterodox, or extreme liberal 
churches, is as bad as anywhere, and as little attended to. 
On the other hand we know of a very orthodox, and by no 
means liberal church, that does attend to the subject in a 
practical manner, and attends to it very effectually too within 
her own fold. If the Roman inquisition, with its rack and 
thumb-screw, had been to work among- us these many years, 
they could scarcely have reduced the native Protestant popu- 
lation as it has been by its own demoralized condition, As 
was said bv a Roman ecclesiastic in England "it is not neces- 
sary for us to do anything-, they (the Ritualists), are doing it 
for us far more effectually than we could do," so it may be 
said here, although the way it is done is different. 

As the church has failed, so has science. 

A condition that in the course of two g-enerations has low- 
ered the birth rate among- our native American race from 40 
to 15 in a thousand of population would make an interesting 
study for our sociologists. It is never a mere accident, but 
a process due to causes that touch life on many points, in- 
tellectually, morally and physically. How much the shrink- 
ing in our native population is due to the pressure of an 
enormous immigration ; or whether or not the heavv influx of 
foreigners is rather an account of a vacuum or voluntary con- 
traction of our home population ; or at least, a lack of as lamina 
to compete in the struggle for existence. The cause of this : 
its beginning perhaps the evolution of- some sentiment or 
new mode of thought ; how much may have been contributed 
to it by the spread of a mere notion, with accompanying 
changes in habits and customs. Causes and effects, acting 
and reacting hastening the process down to our day. Its final 



30 The Social Question in the United States. 

result, its effect upon the destines of the nation and the 
world at larg-e. But our sociologists are busy with their 
theories, there is not even a hint of anything- practical in 
their efforts with reference to the conditions that threaten our 
race and civilization. 

The papers are not always neutral, A Southern daily 
speaks feelingly in an editorial about the glory of the 
Anglo-Saxon race, and its prospects in the contest with 
the negro for possession of the South; in another column it 
advertises means and medicines for killing of the white 
babies before they are born. If all are not thus guilty, next 
the deadliest thing is advertised generally. Nearly all have 
their fashion department, the standard is always the ultra 
fashionable, wasp-waisted shape. These papers go into even 
the humblest homes, and what girl does not love to be in the 
fashion, she may not be able to get the richer material out of 
which tomake dresses, but it costs uothingtosqueeze the waist 
an inch or two tighter even than her more favored sisters. A 
nation may afford toa allow a limited number, styled "sociey" 
to kill themselves with fashion and folly, but when it perme- 
nates all classes, — and the poor will do worse as imitators,— 

It may be questioned how far our popular form of gov- 
ernment is in its nature fitted to deal with questions of this 
sort; but there is no question, on general principles, that it 
comes within the province of government to deal with them. 
The leading aim of our party government and secular press, 
both leading forces in our civilization, is $itcrc<.s in the popular 
and material sense. However, it is only up to a certain point 
that our professed materialist can ignore moral issues. The 
moral or social question at a certain stage becomes political 
and personal, it becomes a question of self-preservation and 
patriotism, and the dictates of self-interest and natural in- 
stinct will demand interference. The question of country is 
not identical with that of population and the ground we tread 
upon; all races and nationalities of the earth stand ready to 
fill the vacant places, to make up a population, and they will 
think the ground worth occupying. The sui)ply from north- 
ern Europe has failed, but that of the Slavs and Latins is 
inexhaustible. It is not a question of population, it is our 
race, civilization, life and principles that aro at stake. 



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